While international media and diplomatic circles focus on the Pretoria Peace Agreement that ended the two-year war in Tigray, Ethiopia’s most populous region of Oromia remains embroiled in an underreported conflict.
Armed clashes between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA)—designated as a terrorist group by Ethiopia in 2021—have led to widespread civilian casualties, mass displacement, and a deepening humanitarian crisis.
Caught in the midst of this ongoing crisis is Lemi, who requested to be identified by his first name only due to safety concerns. He was born and raised in Ambo; a town in the western part of Oromia Regional State.
Lemi, 31, works as a truck driver to support his three children. He has been in the business for a decade, mostly involved in ferrying construction materials such as sand and stone from Bishoftu (Debre Zeit) to places like Nekemte and Wollega.
The work offered steady income for Lemi until things began to go awry four years ago.
He told The Reporter that his usual routes have become too dangerous for travel. Armed groups have set up checkpoints along the roads, and those who attempt to pass through without their consent have been subject to abductions and violence.
The risks involved have forced Lemi to limit his travel to areas closer to Addis Ababa, slashing his income.
“The money I bring home today is not even half of what I used to earn,” Lemi told The Reporter. “I can’t risk my life just to get to Nekemte, not when people are being taken or killed on those roads.”
He added that safe passage is only possible with either government protection or payments to armed groups.
“Unless you have a military escort or pay a bribe to those controlling the checkpoints, you won’t pass. It’s that simple,” he said.
Lemi’s story reflects the difficult reality faced by many in the Oromia region, where insecurity has disrupted daily life and livelihoods.
Following the political upheaval of 2018, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—a group that had long operated in exile—was invited to return and participate in the country’s political process peacefully.
The move was part of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s (PhD) broader reform agenda aimed at fostering national reconciliation and opening up the political space.
However, the transition did not proceed smoothly. In 2018, a faction within the OLF refused to disarm and instead formed the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), commonly known as ‘Shene’, continuing armed resistance in the Oromia region.
In May 2021, the federal government designated the OLA as a terrorist organization, attributing various attacks and security incidents to the group. The OLA, in turn, has denied these allegations and accused the government of targeting Oromo communities.
According to a 2023 report by the International Crisis Group, the OLA has shifted its narrative from a regional resistance movement to an anti-government force seeking broader political change.
Nonetheless, the conflict in the region has persisted, with military operations in western Oromia intensifying significantly since 2022. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the conflict has displaced an estimated 1.8 million people.
In addition, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (HRW) have accused both government forces and the OLA of committing atrocities.
A June 2023 Amnesty report detailed a massacre in Nekemte, where over 150 civilians were allegedly killed in a single attack. Similarly, HRW’s investigation in August 2023 found evidence of collective punishment tactics, including food blockades in Kellem Wollega.
The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) also documented multiple instances of extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, and village burnings in a 2023 report.
The rights groups indicated that aid access also remains heavily restricted, with towns in the region cut off from food and medical supplies.
While the ongoing conflict has caused widespread instability across Oromia, severely impacting civilians and disrupting everyday livelihoods, attempts to resolve the crisis through negotiations have broken down twice.
The first round, mediated by Norway in 2022, collapsed over disagreements on ceasefire terms and political demands. A second attempt, held in Tanzania in November 2023, also failed with both sides accusing each other of lacking commitment.
There is also a growing claim that the ongoing conflict in Oromia remains largely overlooked. Observers argue that while the structured peace process between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) received sustained international attention, similar engagement has been lacking for the situation in Oromia.
However, political analyst Dereje Gerefa argues that the two conflicts are fundamentally different. He notes that the war in Tigray was a confrontation between the federal government and a constitutionally recognized regional state.
According to Dereje, comparing the two conflicts is inappropriate. He also points out that a significant portion of the community in Oromia continues to support the federal government.
“The entire Tigrayan community and the opposition in the region were on the side of TPLF during the war,” said Dereje.
“The federal government has significant supporters in the Oromia region under its umbrella,” he told The Reporter. “We cannot compare the two conflicts even in terms of intensity. The best thing to talk about here is what has been done so far to solve the existing problems from all stakeholders, including the elites.”
As the conflict and humanitarian crisis persist in the region, prominent political figures also have called for renewed dialogue, highlighting that only a negotiated political solution can end the suffering.
Among those voicing concern is Desta Dinka, chairman of the Ethiopian Political Parties Council and a member of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum. For Desta, the situation in the region has shown “no sign of change.”
He notes that civilian suffering and casualties are increasing daily, inflicted both by armed groups and government security forces. He argued that a “winning mentality” has taken precedence over the protection of civilian lives.
“Taking the upper-hand is the primary target from the two sides,” he said. “No one cares to solve their differences peacefully or with negotiation while considering the continued suffering of the community in the conflict-affected areas.”
Desta added that Wollega is not the only area experiencing the impact of the ongoing conflict, noting similar patterns of violence in various parts of Shewa.
“The situation has worsened, especially after the second negotiation process failed in Tanzania,” he said.
Contrary to this view, Mulatu Gemechu, vice-chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), asserts that the entire Oromia Regional State is effectively at war. According to Mulatu, the active conflict severely restricts people’s movement, making daily life increasingly dangerous for the general public.
“Moving from one place to the other peacefully has long gone in the Oromia region. Civilians have become a primary target for armed forces lurking everywhere. This has become an everyday reality,” he said.
Mulatu argues the absence of a genuinely constitutionally elected government lies at the core of the ongoing civilian suffering and the worsening national crisis.
“The government claims to be elected by the will of the public, but I think it is the other way around. No government is needed that protects the rights and safety of its people. People are suffering here and there, but the ruling party delivers a more contrary message than the actual reality,” he said.
However, for Dereje, “material interests” are further complicating the dynamics of the conflict.
He pointed to a growing trend of deliberate attacks on civilians.
“Economic interest is surpassing any conflict in Ethiopia,” he said. “People are subject to attacks while their possessions are looted or burned. I am not saying that there is no cause behind the armed forces fighting the government, however, the materialistic interest has complicated the situation more than ever. And for the people to understand your cause, you have to let the people [know] your stand while respecting the public’s rights. I don’t see that here and this is what makes it more complicated,” Dereje said.
He argues that inefficiency within government security forces has also contributed to the worsening situation.
“Do they know the rules of war? Is their operation free from defects? These are the basic questions. I think it is the other way around, they have major defects in this regard while respecting human rights,” he told The Reporter, stressing that there is still much work to be done.
Often referred to as a silent conflict, the ongoing violence and humanitarian crisis in the Oromia region remains largely unexposed, aside from reports by rights groups and a few international media outlets.
Reports suggest that this lack of visibility is due in part to severe restrictions on independent reporting. Government limitations have created a hostile environment for local journalists, many of whom face arrest or harassment for covering the conflict.
In 2023, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported that at least 15 Ethiopian journalists were detained, most of them while reporting from the Oromia region.
In this context, Mulatu stated that state-run media rarely acknowledges the violence, while opposition outlets face censorship and limited access.
“The situation and the human suffering in the Oromia region is neglected unlike the Amhara region now and the war in Tigray before,” he said. “The suffering of the Oromo people is ignored by most media outlets, while government-owned media organizations are instructed not to report what’s really happening in the region.”
Desta acknowledged this neglect. However, he noted that both sides of the conflict primarily use their own social media platforms and preferred media outlets to promote their perceived victories.
To the Chairman, these efforts amount to little more than propaganda.
“None of these propaganda voices has ever delivered the right information to the public, except deliver what they are told to do,” Desta told The Reporter.
He added that the complex and volatile reality on the ground makes it extremely difficult for those who genuinely want to deliver accurate information to the public.
However, Dereje argued that the core issue lies in the absence of a neutral voice, while acknowledging the limited media coverage. According to him, both sides have their own supporters who disseminate information in a way that aligns with their interests and narratives.
As the conflict in the Oromia region enters its sixth year, the federal government continues to place full blame on the OLA for the attacks and ongoing instability. The OLA, however, rejects the accusations, describing them as false.
Meanwhile, observers stress the need for inclusive dialogue to avoid further escalation, asserting that both sides share responsibility for the violence and the suffering of civilians.
In the midst of these competing narratives, individuals like Lemi are left to face the dangers alone, bearing the burden of a conflict they did not create, while Oromia continues to grapple with violence that, for much of the world, remains invisible.
disagreements on ceasefire terms and political demands. A second attempt, held in Tanzania in November 2023, also failed, with both sides accusing each other of lacking commitment.